Why racialized youth perceptions of police matter

A tape deck (Image credit: Joybot (Flickr))

A tape deck (Image credit: Joybot (Flickr))

Kanika Samuels-Wortley, scholar at the University of Waterloo, reveals stories of police violence and prejudice towards Indigenous and Black populations, and explains why understanding these experiences is critical for justice and equity. This is the third in the Narration as Regulation series by the School of Regulation and Global Governance (RegNet), ANU.

A number of U.S., British, and Australian studies have established that racialized populations, particularly Indigenous and Black, consistently show more negative attitudes towards police and the broader criminal justice system compared to their White counterparts. This is problematic as numerous policing scholars argue that effective law enforcement is contingent on public support.  Civilians who are not satisfied with and/or harbour unfavourable perceptions of the police are less likely to report criminal activity or cooperate with police investigations. Furthermore, some research suggests that people who view the police as “illegitimate” are less likely to comply with the law

But, why the racial difference? Especially, in light of the fact that police organizations often maintain that they treat all persons with respect, equity and dignity (for example, see statement by Toronto, Canada police).  The answer to this may be found in the lived experiences of racialized youth. Studies that examine perceptions of police tend to focus on adult populations, despite evidence that suggests trust and confidence in the police is very low among youth, particularly among Black and Indigenous peoples. Thus, the focus of the current research is to have a more nuanced understanding of racialized communities, but from a Canadian perspective. Exploring race within the Canadian context is particularly important as Canada is often recognized as the pillar of multiculturalism. However, this sentiment is greatly due to the fact that many social institutions (including criminal justice institutions) are not required to collect any race-based data. Thus, in Canada we lack significant data to support the notion that racialized communities are disenfranchised in Canadian society. 

Greyscale image of helmeted police standing on the street. Photo by ev on Unsplash

Greyscale image of helmeted police standing on the street. Photo by ev on Unsplash

Highlighting the stories of racialized youth aims to amplify their voices and challenge the police narrative that they treat all citizens with “respect, equity, and dignity”. In fact, many scholars  argue that one must use these counter-stories to dismantle the harms of racism by acknowledging the role that race plays in social institutions. 

Exactly how do interactions with police differ for racialized youth in comparison to White youth in Canada? The following story may provide some insight. 

A young Black girl recites her following encounter with police: 

“My friends and I were having a small camp fire at a school field after hours, somebody called to report a fire, or the smoke, so the police ended up showing up. We all got kind of scared, so my friends started running. The first thing the cop did was pull his gun and point it towards us, I was explaining that we were having a small fire and roasting marshmellows. He was asking me questions like who I was and what I was doing with the gun pointed at me the whole time. After I explained everything to him, he kind of just made me put out the fire. He didn’t put his gun away until I put out the fire, then nothing went further, I was 13”.  

In comparison to White youth who shared their stories and experiences with police, many Black youth expressed similar confrontational incidents. Results from racialized youth’s narratives reveal 4 salient themes. Compared to their White counterparts, Black and Indigenous youth:

  1. Do not believe they are treated equally or respectfully and subject to rights violations

  2. Believe that police are biased and aid in criminalizing racialized youth 

  3. Do not believe police serve their interests or protect racialized communities; and 

  4. Do not feel safe around police, but instead feel fear and anxiety. 

A young Black boy recites the following: 

“I came out of my building, and I was walking, I saw a cop was staring at me and I was like whatever. The cop pulled up beside me and asked what I was doing. He said he wanted to do a search and I said I didn’t consent. I was 14 or something. He asked things like, what is your name  and trying to get information. I stated that this was racial profiling, and he just left. I knew my rights…. I think he said something about that something happened in the area and I fit the description... I was mad you know, but you have to pick yourself up and dust yourself off and go about your day. Out of 10 black kids, 8 will experience a racial situation with police. I feel like it is just something you have to come to terms with”. 

Statistics from the Toronto Police Service, the largest municipal police service in Canada, reveal that between 2008 and 2013, Black youth between 15-24 were subject to an average of 8 “street checks” (a recording of any information that an officer deems of interest) compared to only 1 street check for White youth (Statistic included in examination and comparison of street checks with Halifax, Nova Scotia police .)Street checks do not record any criminal activity, they were simply used for ‘informational purposes’. The police argue the practice is vital for investigative purposes and is a way to collect intelligence on suspicious persons or activities. The narrative above puts these statistics into the context of lived experience. Listening to the stories and experiences of racialized youth can help to provide insight into the impact of these police encounters. 

Greyscale police standing in a plaza

Greyscale police standing in a plaza

 A number of factors, including over-policing and other forms of systemic bias, negatively impact Indigenous and Black communities in Canada.  Thus, not surprisingly, Indigenous and Black youth often feel that they are targeted by police and subsequently develop feelings of alienation from Canadian society. 

But, is this relevant in the Australian context? The answer is yes, specifically in light of ongoing concerns surrounding racial discrimination within Australian policing. In their report on the use of New South Wales Police Force Suspect Targeting Management Plan (STMP), a risk assessment tool to predict potential suspects, authors Vicki Sentas and Camilla Pandolfi found that the assessment tool had a disproportionate impact on Aboriginal youth. Thus, more police attention was targeted to Aboriginal communities, ultimately eroding trust and confidence in the police. 

Police have a significant role in defining and constructing who is a criminal. They decide who is subject to attention and subsequent control. Their focus on racialized communities can maintain discriminatory perceptions and negative stereotyping. Growing evidence suggest that higher rates of police surveillance in racialized communities may be one of the factors contributing to the over-representation of Black and Indigenous peoples in the Canadian criminal justice system. The same may be said for racialized communities in Australia. 

What can be done? Issues of racial bias within policing must be addressed. Believing it does not exist, undermines the experiences of those who have had negative interactions with police and thus continue to hold negative perceptions. Narratives have the power to educate police and provide them with a better understanding of the experiences that shape racialized youths’ perceptions. 

Police must use these narratives to understand that biased policing is having a negative impact on marginalized communities. They must recognize the power of their discretion and critically reflect on any biases that may have influenced their behaviours. Police organizations must see value in improving trust and confidence among racialized peoples, especially if it results in increased community safety for all. 

This is the third in a series on Narration as Regulation, produced by ANU’s School of Regulation and Global Governance. You can also read about how to counter poisonous stories, using the example of sorcery related violence in PNG, by Miranda Forsyth; and about climate change as a hyperthreat by Liz Boulton